War of anarchists: The tu-tu-main-main in AAP

It had to happen and it has. The Aam Aadmi Party, a group of disparate people cobbled together under the pretense of democracy, increasingly seen as variety, has split. The single unifying factor was Arvind Kejriwal. It just so happens that he is incapable of unifying.

I have disliked his politics from the moment he debuted as a public activist, and have had no reason to alter my views, not even after the huge mandate he got in the Delhi elections to once again become the chief minister.

To now watch senior members expose his autocratic methods and his resistence to follow the ideals they had to set them apart comes as no surprise. However, why did none of these worthies come out with the truth before the elections? I am particularly perturbed by Medha Patkar. She seems more concerned that her other colleagues have been treated shabbily rather than how the AAP is essentially about pulling wool over people's eyes.

But that has been the AAP hallmark — to cater to its middle-class constituency by giving them the honorific of the common man. If two party members are calling him out today, this too appeals only to the intellectual mall, the mass buyers of 'ethics'.

To put it simply, the AAP, more than any other political party, is removed from ground realities. Street protests and designed anarchy mean zilch if you pander to the WiFi seekers.

Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav, the dissenters, are both well-educated men; they also happen to be clueless about real politick. Kejriwal has accused them of trying to get AAP defeated. The fact is that the party won. It means that these two do not even qualify as leaders.

If Kejriwal is merely casting aspersions, then it reveals his insecurity as well as his viciousness. There are noises about how he is the only one who matters and can gather votes. It is true. Bhushan and Yadav would find it difficult to win anything more than a lawyers' collective or academic election respectively. But that is the least of their failures. They are running round in circles over technicalities, masking them as idealistic demands. Nobody outside their professional coteries would give a damn.

If people do give a damn about Kejriwal it is not so much for what he stands for but for what they have come to stand for. They want to hold on to that, which is why they will continue to be in denial.

Honestly speaking, none of the AAP members has any serious political currency, including Kejriwal. None of them can even be called pale reflections of any mainstream political leader, for qualities good or bad. This is not a sign of originality, but of dissonance. This is what I wrote in October 2013:

What does a headline like "How AAP made the common man relevant in democracy again" really mean? To begin with, Kejriwal is the product of our democracy, not its creator, and certainly not a renaissance figure. As regards the common man, which common man has been walking in Lodhi Gardens with a cheque book to contribute to his cause? What kind of common man is really affected by corruption as hidden in Swiss banks and invested in antiques, when he has to deal with chai-paani demands and is sometimes the one making such demands?

The "surge from the bottom" is a falsification. The movement against corruption was and continues to be an upper middle-class conscience picnic. The 'I am Anna' caps have been replaced with 'Main Aam Aadmi Hoon', which does not sit well with the common man who might have no roof over his head, but is given a topi. The other slogan of 'swaraj', self-rule, negates a democratic India, by harking back to a colonial era term. Who will decide on the nature of the community that is to be built? Will there be no hierarchy at all?

The hierarchical battle within the party has given rise to sting operations where the leader calls senior members "kaminey" and other such things. Whether or not it constitutes abuse is irrelevant. What one must remember, though, is that one thing is certainly common to all at AAP: snooping on others. Remember Kejriwal telling party members prior to elections that if they are offered bribes by rivals they should take it and sting the briber?

Therefore, while each side is claiming moral superiority, neither has a foot to stand on forget a higher ground.

A touch of arrogance: The Kejriwal USP?
The posh anarchy of the 'aam aadmi'

Sunday ka Funda

"Most days it feels as if the world is whirling around me and I am standing still. In slow motion, I watch the colors blur; people and faces all become a massive wash."
- Sarah Kay

When I posted the sidebar image, I also found another one by Henri Matisse called Still Life with Dance. I was immediately struck, not so much by the painting as by the title. Dance is movement and fluidity; still life is, well, still. How and why did they come together.

I have been looking at it frequently, and the more I look the more I find the dance to be still and the still objects to appear moving. The flowers  seem to almost quiver, and the fruits glisten with new dew.

Naturally, then, I'd say the same about all that happens in life too. The moving and the static can interchange at any time.


Hollow Freedom in the time of scrapping of 66A

As news spread about the Supreme Court scrapping Section 66A of the IT Act, the media started propping up the heroes responsible for it. Nothing reveals the limited nature of such freedom of expression than the act of coddling a few. 

I am all for such freedom, having used it myself and been sometimes warned against it and, in the past, threatened for it too. Despite this, I do not wish to take the popular (more likely populist) stand about what FoE in this context entails. If you want freedom without resposibility, then will you take what you wish out to others? 

The celebration of such freedom for online activity comes at a time when the cyber cells are approached with complaints against trolls, stalkers and slanderers. The latter two are cause for serious concern. If everyone is so thrilled about being free, will they stop using the 'Report Abuse' button at social networking sites? 

Those against 66A happily ignore the bully culture of the rightwing with their self-righteous fence-sitting by differentiating between hateful abuse and other free speech. We know the difference. But those at the receiving end of the latter might deem it as abuse. This could be about 'blasphemy', or 'hurt sentiments', or a personal assault in these naming-shaming times. Will these internet warriors fight for the right to privacy of victims of social/sexual violence? 

Let me reproduce a few salient points from what I had written earlier:

What issues?

Forums such as these act as extra-constitutional authorities where elected representatives can clarify their position, blame others, wreak vengeance, and campaign for themselves or against others. How is one to accept their version? Why are the usual official channels not used? Why must government policy be announced and discussed on walls and in tweets where there is more likely to be a back and forth of sound bytes rather than a sensible discussion?

Take any issue in recent times and it has become more exaggerated due to this word-of-mouth publicity. YouTube videos and CDs go viral and, much like terrorists claiming their hand in bomb blasts, these denizens claim to play a role in every major happening – whether it is the Arab Spring, exposing leaders, bringing scams to light, pushing the anti-corruption agenda, or showing a politician dropping his pants.

Is there no room?

We have laws for a reason. Do they work well always? No. Does it mean that forming groups and fighting them online will change the reality? This is the frightening aspect. How many of those commenting in morsel sizes are truly attuned to such reality? True, famous people are on networking sites, reasonable people are there, people who matter are there. My question is: Are they also not in places where it counts and are they not capable of pushing for change from where they operate? They can and some do.

For those who think that news is forced down us, how are they so certain that what passes for exchange of ideas on such websites does not do the same? There is bound to be an element of incestuousness, and it is a community too. 

Therefore, it is a bit amusing that when there is a mention of incendiary talk that hurts religious and communal sentiments, there are sniggers. Yet, when this community of networkers thinks it is in danger of being muzzled, there is a hue and cry. What are they displeased about? That their space is being occupied, right? Their freedom shackled. It just so happens that there are different kinds of freedom, and much as we dislike what we deem to be non-liberal thought, also has a right to exercise its freedom.

How free?

Those who are talking about how those who hate them must also be allowed to have their say are largely popular because of just such infamy. This ‘freedom’ affords them statues even if it is to facilitate pigeon droppings. It is the cult of the dishonourable, and some will fall for it. 

There are positive aspects to such sites, but the opposition to a proposed code leaves one with a slightly distorted picture of the whole anti-system. It really is not a contrarian viewpoint but a ghetto that wants its own protection. Not everyone is capable of self-censorship. There are loose cannons. There is anonymity. The idea that it is the only truly democratic medium free of vested interests is a fallacy. Are there no agendas being propagated on the internet, no vested interests?

Who would 66A have helped?

It could be an anti-government crusader who is abused and can seek recourse to action. It could be an individual whose identity is being tarnished.

It is facile to assume that discourse against the establishment will stop. Before social networking, we threw out the British, we threw out a government that imposed the Emergency, scandals were exposed. That will continue not because of, but despite, revolutionaries with hash tags who ensure a trend for a day or so. 15 minutes of fame has just become a lengthened shadow.

It is anyway mostly the elite that not only get to use FOE but also define it, and hail it.The rest are seen as mere default beneficiaries owing their freedom to these benefactors. 


Muzzling India’s Daughters

Soon after December 16, 2012, India became international news for a rape. Intellectuals and the political class had at the time lapped up the attention, to the extent of participating in the globalisation of Delhi as the rape capital. The shame they felt came with the caveat of their moral superiority.

Today, when it comes back full circle to mock them they stand more exposed than what they are exposing. They had called her India’s daughter, and now they object to the title of a documentary using it. India has banned the film. Scheduled for International Women’s Day, BBC4 decided to forward its telecast. The channel’s editor Cassian Harrison said, “From our perspective, given the strong public interest we feel it’s important it gets out.” The motive is not altruistic, for four days would not have dimmed public interest, which is often whetted to serve commercial demands. How does a rape fit into celebration of women anyway?

There has been much debate, and the triggering on both sides is based on kneejerk reaction and some half-baked ideals.

Leslie Udwin could make a documentary on Delhi’s gangrape victim because Indians had built a monument to pose against. Following calls for a ban, she said,  “I went out there not to point a finger at India - the opposite, to put it on a pedestal, to say not in my life have I seen another country go out with that fortitude and courage the way the Indian nation did.”

Pedestalising is always problematic. Protestors do not constitute a nation, but such groups often take on the mantle of conscience keepers. There have been a slew of comments telling us why the documentary should be seen to open our eyes. It makes me wonder about how removed a section of people are from reality when they believe that one has got to watch a tourist version of awareness to understand what makes men rape. If one relies on this, then it would seem only the poor commit such acts to teach the women who are out late, unescorted. The supporters of such freedom of expression would not have promoted it were the rapist from the same class as them or the victim a poor unlettered woman.

Should the film be criticised as white privilege or a colonial mindset? Ms. Udwin is mirroring what our middle class and intellectuals had laid out by making the rape India's showpiece for everything, from sexual crime to stalking to misogyny. They ensured that it was seen as exceptional, which is not unlike the exoticising they accuse the filmmaker of. What can be more exotic than consecrating the victim with a special name nirbhaya, the fearless one, portraying her as a larger-than-life fighter (thereby denigrating victims who have no such public myth), and their own fight as one for martyrdom by police teargas shells?

When Ms. Udwin says, "Unfortunately what this ill-advised decision to ban the film is now going to do is have the whole world point fingers at India", she sounds like the Indian government that too believes it creates a wrong impression about the country. Evidently, false equivalences seem chillingly true.


The rapists have appealed against their death sentence. Legally, the ban can be justified for interfering with the case, but morally there is no foot to stand on. ‘India’s Daughter’ comes across as far less exploitative than the many Op-eds and personal accounts of dealing with being violated that made their way into the same foreign media that many are now slamming.

One of the convicts, Mukesh Singh, has been interviewed at length. Staring straight into the camera he relives moments from that night: “When being raped, she shouldn’t fight back. She should just be silent and allow the rape. Then they’d have dropped her off after ‘doing her’, and only hit the boy.”

There has been an outcry against his lack of remorse. Are we looking to barter for outrage where the criminal weeps and relieves us of this marketed burden? Perhaps our feudalistic attitude, our own privilege, seeks supplication to judge.

The Supreme Court verdict had stated that “the rarest-of-rare test largely depends on the perception of society as to if it approves the awarding of the death sentence for certain types of crimes. The court has to look into factors like society's abhorrence, extreme indignation and antipathy to certain types of cases, like the case in hand – of gang rape with brutal murder of a helpless girl by six men”.

The court ought to realise that all cases deserve apathy; all those who are violated are victims and not just “certain cases”. After the Delhi gangrape, it has become mandatory to calculate the extent of damage. This is a dangerous trend, for it devalues other kinds of sexual attack by known persons who may employ tact to get their way. Inmates of remand homes and prisons who are sexually abused, villagers in remote corners, and victims of the armed forces and the police may not even be in a position to put up a fight.

Four months after this case, a four-year-old was raped and dumped in Seoni district, Madhya Pradesh; she was airlifted to Nagpur. The report said: “Her grandmother fervently asks God to grant her just one wish – ‘send down a helicopter to fly the child off to Dilli’. She paints a vivid picture of ‘the biggest city in the world which has a magic hospital where they put together and cure sexually brutalized little girls’. The girl, the old woman is sure ‘would certainly live to be 90 if only she could somehow reach that hospital’.”

Disturbingly a grandmother in MP, misled by media images of chasing ambulances and doctors giving updates on a patient's health, with ministers discussing it, and candle-light vigils, placards, began to believe that this is what hope looks like.

A five year old was kidnapped, raped, and locked up for three days in Delhi. When she was found, she had obviously gone without food and was in deep pain. Pieces of candle and a 200 ml hair oil bottle that was forced into her had to be surgically removed. The marks of brutality scarred her in several places, some that would even after reconstructive surgery leave her with permanent incontinence.

The media that is now questioning a documentary by a foreigner had insensitively referred to it as “Nirbhaya again” and “Delhi Shame 2”, as though rape is a serialised soap opera. Senior media person Pritish Nandy had tweeted then, “It all begins with molestation. Tackle molestation, you will beat rape. We accept it as normal. That’s where the real problem lies.”

No woman treats molestation as normal. The Ramboesque tone of “beat rape” by dealing with molestation implies that women would know what is to follow. It is as bad as the moral police suggesting that women ask for it when they are dressed in a certain way or seen in certain places. The five-year-old was kidnapped. The four-year-old was lured with chocolate. This is not molestation. Dalit women, those in slums, in offices, returning late from work, are taken unawares and raped; they are not molested as a warning.


"A girl is just like a flower…” says the defence lawyer for the rapists in the film. “On the other hand a man is just like a thorn. Strong, tough enough. That flower always needs protection. If you put that flower in a gutter it is spoilt. If you put it in the temple, it is worshipped.”

We have found a voodoo doll we can stick pins into. There is nervous laughter over his broken English, some anger. This is the male mindset, is the chorus. Yet, every other day Indian women are being sold apps that should protect them. An industry has come up that in a convoluted way is making women dependent on commerce as patriarchy. From a revolver for women – “an ideal to fit a purse or a small hand bag” – to sprays the braveheart pedestal comes with built-in spooks.

Such fear psychosis puts the onus of the fight on women, suggesting in a way that ‘she brings it upon herself’, and if she ventures into certain places she could be raped. The emphasis is on danger rather than creating a secure environment. Bollywood divas advertise for these products, and acquire a halo of sensitivity and public spiritedness just as Hollywood celebrities are endorsing ‘India’s Daughter’. Putting a few cases in the media glare diverts attention, forces politicians to visit hospitals and homes of the victims, and promise sops. A documentary can therefore be accused only of building on the myth Indians have written.

Those upset with the final shot showing a burning pyre would do well to remember that protestors had taken out the victim’s mock funeral to make a political point even as she lay dying in a hospital bed. Her dignity was sacrificed at the altar of their liberal autocracy.

The moot point is not whether the film ought to have been shown or even made. This case itself should not have been turned into a shrine that other rapes would need to live up to for the crime to be addressed and the cries of the victims heard.


Published in CounterPunch and Countercurrents


Mother Teresa and Modi as RSS strategy

The Hindu rightwing criticism of Mother Teresa has brought out the usual halo-wallahs, quite forgetting that both the Sangh and the good Mother have emphasised on superstition and faith to deal with practical issues. Devotion to a religion romanticises poverty and mortality.

On the face of it, this looks like an outrageous comment. At a function organised by a NGO, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat said:

"Mother Teresa's service would have been good. But it used to have one objective, to convert the person, who was being served, into a Christian. The question is not about conversion but if this (conversion) is done in the name of service, then that service gets devalued."

It is obvious that the RSS wants to consolidate its position as a social organisation and the moral keeper of Indians, mainly the majority community. It does not take long to associate conversions by missionaries with any activity run by a Church-affiliated individual.

There are no records of any conversions by the Missionaries of Charity, but as in other communities there could have been voluntary converts. This is hardly about pulling up a deceased person; it is more about trying to take the heat off the 'ghar waapsi' by the rightwing where Muslims and Christians are sought to be reconverted to what is assumed to have been their original faith, Hinduism. It is also to deflect from the recent attack on churches.

As is the tradition, the BJP and the RSS continue with their game of one taking on the opponents while the other acts moderate. Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in the Lok Sabha:

“My government’s only religion is ‘India first’, my government’s only religious book is ‘Indian Constitution’, our only devotion is ‘Bharat Bhakti’ and our only prayer is ‘welfare of all’."

Was he assuring the people of India after the persistent hate speeches by members of various saffron groups, including a couple of MPs, or was he trying to convince the US president? After his much-touted visit to India as chief guest at the Republic Day function on January 26, Barack Obama had gone on to question India's record regarding religious tolerance:

"Michelle and I returned from India — an incredible, beautiful country, full of magnificent diversity — but a place where, in past years, religious faiths of all types have, on occasion, been targeted by other peoples of faith, simply due to their heritage and their beliefs — acts of intolerance that would have shocked Gandhiji, the person who helped to liberate that nation."

While many did not like the idea of an outsider lecturing us, the BJP had more pressing concerns. They expected some sort of barter for the obsequiousness they displayed — a hand on the head, a few freebies. Obama for his part had his own selfish reasons. America is like the Vatican. Any attack on churches and Christians becomes its business, although it may not have any real engagement with either. It is more a political stand.

Modi could not look the other way and has felt the need to assert his 'religious' affiliation. The Constitution as scripture is hardly likely to result in devotion, for he has not responded to the utterances of the likes of Swami Adityanath during the election campaign and later. The timing of the PM's concern makes it evident that he wants to protect his reputation as well as the interests of the Indian expat community to which he is beholden.

While he is performing his political duty, the RSS is keeping the flag flying. They targeted a Christian icon who catered to what seems like a secular world of the very sick. This could well be their ideological position, but again the timing has to do with giving it to Obama.

Attempts to firefight are essentially a BJP need and not the RSS belief. Sitting in their cocoons, we now find famous voices doing their beauty queen wanting to do a Mother Teresa act once again, after having forgotten about their ambition in all these years.

Among the comments expressing anger over Mohan Bhagwat's statement that I came across, this one stood out: "Bengalis are an excitable community who would have rebelled if Mother Teresa was converting people in that state."

I doubt if Bengalis would have liked to be known as a city of many dying people either, all waiting to be laid to rest with dignity. Strange that those who have problems about stereotyping icons don't think twice before pigeonholing a group.

It is no surprise that the elite would speak. My first introduction to Mother Teresa was above an antique mantelpiece in the living room of a celebrity. She had equal space with Husain's horses in this chamber with fine crystal ware.

She might have had a noble reason — although there have been some reasoned critiques that point out her political motives — but for many of those 'touched' by her she was a collection, an investment. Even as penance.


Images: Both paintings by M.F.Husain. In the first Mother T and Krishna are in the same frame.

Sunday ka Funda

A nun who was searching for enlightenment made a statue of Buddha and covered it with gold leaf. Wherever she went she carried this golden Buddha with her.

Years passed and, still carrying her Buddha, the nun came to live in a small temple in a country where there were many Buddhas, each one with its own particular shrine.

The nun wished to burn incense before her golden Buddha. Not liking the idea of the perfume straying to others, she devised a funnel through which the smoke would ascend only to her statue. This blackened the nose of the golden Buddha, making it especially ugly.

(A Zen story)

I don't know what category to put this story into. Is it about greed, or selfishness, or possessiveness? Perhaps it could be envy. How can it be envy, you might ask. After all, the nun had the incense and wanted to deny it to others. If anything, others should envy her. That is the point. Very likely she envied the emptiness she assumed and found arrogant solace in what she had but did not really need.

In the more material world you will find many such instances where those who apparently have everything will assume others want what they have, and then they proceed to deny others what they have no use for but which helps while away their time by fattening their sense of superficial self-worth.



I have started writing out "and" in full, instead of resorting to the ampersand symbol. That little gesture seems to have taken me back to a few things, including using pen and paper.


As if to answer to a call, I find notebooks inside drawers, even in a cupboard. Notebooks with blank sheets, some with ruled lines, others with checks; a few have quotations at the bottom. "A thing of beauty is a joy forever," says one. It sounds banal now, but the fact is that it is a remembered quote. I cannot understand how a thing of beauty can be a joy forever, though. Unless one is close to that beauty forever — whatever that time-frame means — it can only give one temporary pleasure. Its memory may kindle a sense of satisfaction. But are such memories permanent only for the beauty or is there something else, perhaps a feeling that was triggered by its charm?


I am tired. Yes, tired. Right now after typing the above sentence. It is not the content that has made me tired; tiredness just set in without preamble or reason. But I want to continue. I write, although it's been a few days that I have not posted anything.


Once again somebody said that whatever I write tends to be too intense — and it was not an observation; it was an indictment, like I had to change, even improve. Improve upon it with levity? I have discovered that some people are artful enough to explain this as simplicity. Simplicity is seen as a virtue, even as they scour the online stores for Havanas and caviar body cream.


I slather a rose-scented cream because it is there. I don't like to smell of flowers; I like the woods to engulf me. The rose is not bad, though. I found a body mist and sprayed it. It was only after I smelled of Vanilla, that I read that it was Vanilla. It was bought three years ago and was in a plastic bag where I found it together with two lipsticks. And because they were there, I dabbed them on my lips — first the mauvish pink, then the caramel one. I felt all dressed up.


The note book was out. The very old one I pushed away. Do you realise how notebooks smell like notebooks only when they are too old and need to be pushed away?


Last evening there was The Lunchbox on TV. I switched it on when it was past the half-way mark. There was this scene where Sajan Fernandes is leaving Mumbai for Nasik upon retirement. In the train, an old man is telling him about his own retirement, all the time tapping his gnarled fingers on the table. Sajan averts his eyes from them. He returns to Mumbai. Escaping the old to return to the old.


By the sea, a crow sat on the back of a chair. We seemed to be looking at the same thing. The only difference was he could fly and perch higher and get a bird's eye view. But then things, including people and birds, get proportionally reduced. How he viewed me would be no different from how I viewed him.


Don't scream. Don't teach me feminism, you birdbrain. Don't teach me what the books have taught you, what you want to show off about. Don't teach me about what I have experienced. Don't.


A Japanese man is taking pictures of the sea. He is fidgeting, focusing-refocusing when all there is the sea. I hold up my phone camera and am done. When I zoom in on the result, I see a young couple. For a moment it feels like infringement on privacy, but I can't see their faces. It is bright and all they have is a closed beach shack to lean against. There is no cover, no privacy. No Do Not Disturb sign to place outside room doors.

All doors can be prised open by those with unsatisfactory lives prying into yours, not by chance but design. Scavengers foraging for tinsel to cover the soot they collect.


A stray walks past. I've seen it before. All strays look alike. At sunset, there is a barking sound as the horizon glows. I now call the cur a Golden Retriever. I dust off sand from my ankles.

And there is a whiff of vanilla.